quarta-feira, dezembro 17, 2003

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from Foreign Policy

The Day After — Cuba: His Brother’s Keeper

By Jorge I. Domínguez

A specter haunts Cuba. It is the specter of the nation’s past. The politics of violence and revenge marked Cuba’s two dictatorship-ending transitions in the past century. Violence reigned in 1933 following dictator Gerardo Machado’s fall. And after Fulgencio Batista’s overthrow in 1959, mob rule gave way to trials without due process, leading to gross human rights abuses.

Such violence feeds off the hyperbole prevalent in Cuban politics. This style is as evident of many top officials in Havana as among some elected and self-appointed Cuban-American leaders in Miami. In the histrionics of Cuban politics, there are not just adversaries—there are traitors. This mindset connects politics with the vengeance, retribution, and restitution that many opposing Fidel Castro’s government expect. It also explains why Cuba’s incumbents rely on ruthless repression to prevent such outcomes. Intransigence, fear, and stalemate flow from the expectation that Cuba’s future could mirror its past.

Is there a “morning-after pill” for Cuba’s Day After Fidel? For Cuban officials, the answer is yes. Gen. Raúl Castro will abort such a cataclysm. Raúl Castro, Fidel’s younger brother, is the government’s First Vice President, the Communist Party’s Second Secretary, and the Armed Forces Minister. He was the master organizer behind Cuba’s victories in three wars fought in the 1970s and 1980s in Angola and the Horn of Africa. Cuba’s leading military officers credit Fidel, of course, but also Raúl for helping them accomplish what the United States could not do in Vietnam and the Soviet Union could not do in Afghanistan: Cuban soldiers won the wars they fought. Raúl Castro is also respected within the Communist Party leadership for paying more attention than his brother to party organization and development and the party’s role in society. Officials hope Raúl Castro will choreograph the succession from his brother without actually transforming the political regime.

At the same time, a deepening commitment to nonviolence within Cuba’s growing domestic opposition could protect the nation’s future from the specter of its past. Leaders care about creating effective organizations, employing information as an instrument of power, and fostering political mobilization within what the laws permit. For example, in 2002, the so-called Varela Project gathered some 11,000 signatures to petition Cuba’s National Assembly to amend the constitution and other fundamental laws—the first time in more than four decades that the opposition had peacefully mobilized so many people within the established rules. Opposition groups have also become more adept at establishing domestic and international alliances. Human rights organizations have built a record of credibility. Cuba’s civil society has gained autonomy. The leaders of the largest and best organized of its entities, the Roman Catholic bishops, have grown more experienced when addressing the broad issues that confront Cubans.

However, conflict would deepen in Cuba between government and opposition if, the Day After Fidel, Cubans face mere succession without a true transition toward a new regime. But that conflict could be more peaceful and better managed—albeit slower moving—compared with Cuba’s past regime changes. A tacit agreement between a Raúl Castro-led government and the opposition could produce a deeper economic opening. As an innovative Armed Forces Minister, Raúl Castro authorized “best business practices” in enterprises managed by the military. He has orchestrated a successful retirement scheme for military officers who run and staff many autonomous quasi-private successful enterprises (still wholly state owned), especially in the tourism sector. In so doing, he has shrunk the armed forces, cut military spending, sustained military loyalty to established authority, and facilitated a wider future regime transition. In 1993–94, he helped persuade his brother to authorize freer agricultural markets. For its part, the Cuban opposition has long advocated greater freedoms, including market economic openings, hoping that such changes would lead to wider freedoms. Cuba’s civil society, after all, needs non-state funding more reliable than just remittances from Cuban-Americans.

This immediate post-transition outcome (familiar in market-opening, communist regimes in China and Vietnam) would nonetheless be unstable in Cuba for three reasons. First, Raúl Castro, though politically talented, lacks his brother’s ability to obtain broad public support; he is also already in his 70s. Second, the domestic opposition and forces in civil society will demand a more complete transition. Mere “market economism” does not lift their hearts. And third, the international community will become more active in seeking to facilitate deeper, wider changes.

The U.S. Helms-Burton Act of 1996 commanded the U.S. government to intrude in Cuban domestic affairs in defense of property rights. Some Cuban-Americans, too, strongly assert their own property claims. The U.S. government and Cuban-American elites will face a trade-off between asserting these objectives and the consolidation of a peaceful democratic transition with broad popular support on the island. If they do not behave with restraint, they may provoke an allergic reaction among Cubans who are as averse to foreign bullies as they are to homegrown ones.

Ultimately, the Day After will be defined more by developments in Cuba than influences from abroad. If Raúl Castro becomes president of Cuba, even for a short time, key questions would emerge. Would a Raúl Castro government lift state constraints on semi-private peasant cooperatives to free production and marketing decisions? Would it permit the development of small- and medium-sized Cuban-owned business firms? Would it allow foreign firms operating in Cuba to hire their own work forces and authorize labor unions? Would it fully privatize some state enterprises, selling them to foreigners, or would it preside over “insider” privatization? Would it adopt mild political reforms possible under existing laws? For instance, would such a government allow municipal candidates to campaign and permit multi-candidate elections for the National Assembly?

The answers could either facilitate a sluggish yet accelerating regime transition, perhaps to coincide with Raúl Castro’s passing, or they could unleash the specter of Cuba’s past. Cuba’s century-old national anthem instructs Cubans that “to die for the homeland is to live.” The future of Cuba can be as murderous as its past, still in the name of the nation, freedom, and justice. May the memory of such a brutish history foster better prospects for tolerance and compromise.

CUBA

Leader: President Fidel Castro, 77
Years in Power: 44
Experience with Democracy: 1940-52
Population: 11.3 million
GDP per capita:* $2,300
Asylum Applications:** 37,757
Political Prisoners: 320
Population Under Poverty Line : N/A
Military Expenditures: 4 percent of GDP

*GDP per capita estimates in purchasing power parity
**Asylum applications submitted in 37 countries, 1980-2001

Sources: Amnesty International; Central Intelligence Agency; Migration Policy Institute; United Nations Development Programme; World Bank; The CIA World Factbook; U.N. Human Development Indicators 2003; World Development Indicators 2003


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Jorge I. Domínguez is the Clarence Dillon professor of international affairs at Harvard University and a contributing editor of FOREIGN POLICY.

terça-feira, dezembro 16, 2003

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Este texto fue escrito en 1992, mientras estaba apartado del periodismo pero me dedicaba todas las semanas a escribir algo, basado en mis otros quehaceres, unicamente para mantener el brazo caliente. Fueron muchos textos. Ahora los estoy recuperando del olvido.


LAS TRECE PLEGARIAS

Rui Ferreira/La Habana

RINCON, Provincia Habana, 17 DIC/92 - Trece piedras arrastró. Trece kilómetros recorrió. Trece plegarias erguió, y trece acólitos lo recibieron.

Juan Manuel Suárez, cubano y obrero, cumplió así la promesa a su patrono, después que un 13 de noviembre, una guagua con trece personas lo arrolló. Le dieron trece puntos y trece días se pasó en el hospital.

Obviamente, no tuvo suerte.

Suárez fue uno de los más de 70 mil peregrinos que pasaron este año por el retiro espiritual del Rincón, en las afueras de La Habana, para orar por San Lázaro, que junto a Santa Bárbara, encabezan los santos cubanos.

Sin embargo en medio de la peor crisis económica por la cual atraviesa Cuba, la peregrinación de este año adquirió un significado particular.

Gran número de jóvenes se vieron manifestando su devoción, casi fanática, al Santo. Muchos, quién sabe, incluso pidiendo que se acabaran sus sufrimientos.

"Este año vino más gente, porque la situación esta más mala", dijo Jorge Gómez, un acólito, mientras recogía las ofrendas de los peregrinos.

Al lado del altar mayor, había varias cajas con las ofrendas. Tabacos, comida, libros y incluso agua, pero también mucho dinero. No se sabe cuantas monedas había en el saco, que normalmente se usa para cargar azúcar, que tuvo de ser cargado entre dos padres para una habitación lateral.

Según la tradición religiosa cubana, los peregrinos vienen anualmente al Rincón para agradecer las gracias que el Santo les concedió, pagar promesas que le hicieron o simplemente pedirle algo.

Y cumplen las promesas, que casi siempre según los estudiosos se relacionan con alguna enfermedad. Como el caso de Josefa Santos quién vino agradecer la cura de su hija. “Estaba desahuciada pero yo le prometí a San Lázaro de que si se curaba vendría de rodillas desde la línea del tren”, dijo.

Hay tres kilómetros entre la línea y el santuario.

Aunque le duele no para, sigue caminando de rodillas mientras conversa. Su hija va al frente, con una hoja de palma limpiándole el camino.

Un poco más adelante está Suárez. Sabe, que aunque está cerca, a sólo dos kilómetros, aún le falta tiempo. Algunos fieles lo alientan con un "coraje... ya falta poco ...ánimo".

Cuando dos horas más tarde entra en el santuario, arrastrándose, completamente extenuado y sucio, tiene el consuelo de haber cumplido la promesa hecha, materializada cuando el cura-párroco en el altar mayor le dedica unos pocos instantes. Le coloca las manos en la cabeza, lo aprieta contra si, y lo bendice.

La sala, pequeña para tanta gente, esta llena. Cánticos, oraciones, griterías y llantos tornan el ambiente ensordecedor.

Al otro extremo del altar, ante un micrófono un cura da vivas a Dios, a San Lázaro y al Papa.

Poco antes de la media noche, un gran San Lázaro de madera hace su entrada triunfal en la iglesia. Aumentan las plegarias, los victores, los cánticos.

De repente se hace un silencio... y todos en la iglesia empiezan a gritar : "Libertad, libertad, libertad...".

No salió de ningún grupo organizado este grito, que adquiere un significado especial en este país comunista. Sino al calor de la peregrinación. No hubo incidentes aunque las autoridades habían desplegado un gran número de policías.

Poco después un hombre fue sacado rápidamente de la sala cuando empuñó un cuchillo frente al altar.

A las doce de la noche es el clímax. Muchos de los que están afuera tratan de entrar rápidamente, porque su promesa implicaba entrar antes de esa hora. Las campanas empiezan a tocar y es prácticamente imposible oir algo dentro de la iglesia. Afuera, en los jardines, cubanos de todo tipo descansan en el suelo, conversan o simplemente meditan.

Una mujer propone la compra de velas y imágenes del santo. Otra comenta que vino mas gente que el año anterior. Un policia mira con atención lo que pasa alrededor.

Para venir al Rincón de San Lázaro la mayor parte de los peregrinos lo hizo a pie, incluso de La Habana, porque no había transporte. Los carros particulares necesitaban de un permiso especial para atravesar una barrera policial a 7 kilómetros de la iglesia.

De ese punto hasta el final hay que ir a pie, por una calle mal iluminada, que pasa frente del sanatorio donde están ingresados los cubanos que sufren del Sida. Al pasar delante de ellos, los peregrinos se detienen a mirarlos detrás de las rejas, como si fueran "bichos raros". Los policías cercanos no hacen nada para impedir.

Antes de llegar a la iglesia esta el leprosorio atendido por la Curia Romana. A él se destinan la mayor parte de las donaciones dejadas ante el altar mayor.

El cura-párroco anuncia que la misa de las doce de la noche ha sido suspendida, pero los peregrinos no desaniman, saben que al día siguiente será oficiada por el Cardenal Roger Etchegaray, enviado del papa a la isla con un mensaje de aliento.

Dentro del recinto el movimiento es constante, se entra por la puerta principal y se sale por las dos laterales, y pese a los llamados para circular, muchos permanecen sentados en el piso donde son prácticamente arrollados por la multitud. Sobre las tres de la madrugada la afluencia comienza a disminuir y muchos fieles empreenden el camino de regreso.

Entre ellos está Suárez, ayudado por dos amigos, tiene ahora que volver a su casa en la barriada habanera del Cerro. Pero está contento. Cumplió su cometido, y “ya estoy en paz con el Santo”.

Y al saber que no dispone de transporte público, posiblemente trece maldiciones erguió al Señor.

¿Sólo a él?...

(C) RUI FERREIRA - 1992

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El Nuevo Herald - Dec. 14, 2003

Fátima, uno de los lugares más visitados del mundo

RUI FERREIRA
El Nuevo Herald

Lisboa -- Fátima puede ser un nombre de origen musulmán, pero desde el siglo pasado se transformó en sinónimo de uno de los mayores punto de referencia de la Iglesia Católica, después que en 1917 tres pastorcitos aseguraron haber visto a la Virgen María, que rápidamente fue adoptada por los lugareños como la Virgen de Fátima.

Dice la leyenda que el 13 de mayo de 1917, tres niños pastores cuidaban un rebaño en Cova da Iría, cerca de Fátima. Se llamaban Lucía de Jesús, de 10 años, y los hermanos Francisco y Jacinta Marto, de 9 y 7 años, respectivamente. Cerca del mediodía, después de rezar el Rosario y mientras jugaban a construir una pequeña casa de piedras, de repente vieron lo que más tarde describirían como ''una fuerte luz brillante seguida de un relámpago''. Se asustaron, huyeron pero, momentos después, sucedió de nuevo y los tres dijeron que sobre un árbol vieron ``una señora más brillante que el sol en cuyas manos tenía un rosario blanco''.

Según el relato, la Virgen les dijo que debían rezar mucho y los invitó a regresar al lugar durante los cinco meses siguientes, siempre el día 13 y a esa misma hora. Y ahí lo hicieron los días 13 de junio, de julio, de septiembre y de octubre, fechas en las cuales la Virgen volvió a aparecérseles encima del árbol en medio de una fuerte luz.

Y así comenzó una peregrinación regular de fieles, que ha traído al lugar ya a un sinnúmero de gobernantes, algunos en la mayor discreción, y tres Papas: Juan XXIII, Pablo VI y Juan Pablo II, este último en tres oportunidades, la última de las cuales, el año 2000 para canonizar a los hermanos Marto.

Más que un lugar de peregrinación, el Santuario de Fátima es un gran punto de reunión. Gente de todas las edades, de todas las nacionalidades, incluso de otras religiones, visitan anualmente el lugar, atraídos no sólo por el fervor mariano como también para convivir.

''Peregrinar no es apenas caminar, no significa únicamente desplazarse de un lugar a otro. Peregrinar, más que un desplazamiento exterior significa un desplazamiento interior. Es la búsqueda de un modelo, en la luz de Dios'', sostuvo el padre Simao Benites, de la parroquia de Santa Iría da Azóia.

Y ese parece ser el gran misterio de la popularidad que la Virgen de Fátima y el Santuario han alcanzado desde los inicios de las peregrinaciones, que se originan no sólo en Portugal como desde el exterior.

''Aquí viene gente de todos los países. Fátima es un lugar de unión de las personas, muchas veces nos sentamos a pensar qué habrá aquí que no haya en otros santuarios, como el de Lourdes, por ejemplo, [en Francia] que lleva a las personas a visitarnos. No lo hemos descubierto aún, puede ser un milagro más'', añadió el párroco.

El santuario recibe anualmente unos cuatro millones de peregrinos y dos millones más de simples visitantes.

Aunque hay varios restaurantes y cafetines alrededor del santuario, que se mezclan con tiendas de recuerdos, muchas personas prefieren los picnics en los jardines circundantes que se extienden por dos enormes alamedas que terminan en la Basílica de Fátima, el centro del santuario, que se encuentra rodeada por las estatuas de los cuatro santos portugueses: San Juan de Dios, San Juan de Brito, San Antonio y el Beato Nuno de Santa María.

También han sido erguidas, de izquierda a derecha en relación a la puerta principal, imágenes en piedra de Santa Teresa de Avila, San Francisco de Sales, Beato Marcelino de Champagnat, San Juan Bautista de La Salle y San Alfonso María de Ligorio, entre otros.

El verdadero corazón del Santuario es la ''Capelinha das Aparicoes'', o sea, la pequeña capilla de las apariciones, construida en el mismo lugar donde, dijeron los pastorcitos, se produjeron las primeras apariciones. El punto exacto está señalado por una columna de mármol arriba de la cual se encuentra una imagen de la Virgen, la misma que estuvo en Roma en el año 2001, para celebrar el fin del Año Mariano.

La basílica, comenzó a construirse en 1928 y fue consagrada en 1953. Dispone de 15 altares, dedicados a los 15 misterios del Rosario, y el cuadro del altar principal representa el mensaje de Nuestra Señora a los videntes en la consagración del edificio.

Los vitrales de grandes y contrastantes colores en cada una de las cuatro alas del santuario, que tiene forma de cruz, representan escenas de las apariciones e invocaciones de Nuestra Señora. En cada una de las puntas de la cruz, en el interior, están las estatuas de dos grandes devotos de la Virgen y de su Sagrado Corazón.

Son ellos, San Antonio María Claret, Santo Domingo de Guzmán, San Juan Eudes y San Esteban, Rey de Hungría.

Una de las curiosidades de la basílica es su órgano monumental, instalado en 1952 y que posee 12,000 tubos. ''Al contrario de lo que muchos piensan no es usado sólo en ocasiones especiales, sino en las misas diarias'', añadió Benites.

Su manutención, explica un folleto distribuido a los visitantes, es llevada a cabo por 14 personas que, al menos una vez por mes proceden a su limpieza y todas las semanas a su afinación. La acústica de la basílica es de tal modo magistral, que cualquier persona que cierre los ojos durante un concierto del órgano tiene mucha dificultad en darse cuenta de dónde provienen sus sonidos.

El aporte más reciente al Santuario, es un pedazo del Muro de Berlín, el cual fue colocado en el lado sur de la rectoría, y que pesa 2,600 kilos y mide 3.60 metros de alto por 1.20 de ancho. Fue ofrecido por un inmigrante portugués en Alemania, quien quiso así recordar ''la intervención de Dios, prometida por la Virgen, en la caída de comunismo'', añade del folleto.

Mucha gente se pregunta si vale la pena visitar Fátima. ''Claro que sí. Venimos aquí al encuentro de Dios, pero también de los hombres de buena voluntad y eso, por sí solo es más que una justificación'', añadió Benites.

''Aquí todos son bienvenidos'', enfatizó.

CUANDO VAYA

Donde alojarse:

Como la mayoría de los peregrinos suele quedarse apenas un día, el área de Fátima no se encuentra muy desarrollada a nivel de hoteles. Además, desde Lisboa toma apenas unos 45 minutos en llegar. Por eso, lo recomendable sería quedarse en un hotel en Lisboa, donde existe una amplia variedad. El Metropole, en la céntrica plaza de Rossio y el Eduardo VIII, en la Avenida Fontes Pereira de Melo, son dos sugerencias. Este último dispone de un buenísimo restaurante en la azotea, conocido por servir el bacalao hecho de 100 formas diferentes.

Cómo llegar:

Por carretera, tomar la A1 rumbo norte y tomar la salida de Fátima a la derecha al cabo de unos 150 kilometros. Después, seguir las indicaciones que son bastante sencillas. Hay amplios parqueos que son gratuitos. Si no desea manejar, cada dos horas la empresa de buses interciudades tiene uno derecho al Santuario. Se puede abordar en el paradero de la Avenida Duque de Avila. Se venden boletos de ida y vuelta.

Dónde comer:

Aquí la recomendación no puede ser más sencilla. Alrededor del Santuario hay decenas de pequeños restaurantes. Todos son buenos. Es imposible recomendar uno.

(C) El Nuevo Herald 2003

segunda-feira, dezembro 15, 2003

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MILITARY ANALYSIS:

THE INSURGENCY

For U.S. Foes, a Major Blow: Fighters Now Lack a Symbol

By MICHAEL R. GORDON
The New York Times

WASHINGTON, Dec. 14 — Apprehending Saddam Hussein was a necessary step toward defeating the insurgents in Iraq. But it is not enough to achieve a lasting victory.

There is no question that the capture has deprived many insurgents of a rallying symbol and given the United States military an important boost.

Many Iraqis have been loath to cooperate with the American-led occupation for fear that Mr. Hussein might eventually claw his way back to power. Now, they understand that the man who dominated Iraq for three decades will not be a part of its future.

Significantly, the capture will improve the morale of American troops and their standing inside Iraq.

During their push to Baghdad, the United States forces achieved an aura of invincibility among the Iraqis as they fought their way through Iraq's southern cities before seizing the Iraqi capital. That reputation, however, was tarnished by the American military's inability to establish order in Baghdad in the early days of the occupation and further damaged by the toll that has been exacted of United States forces by the persistent guerrilla attacks.

Now, the American military appears to have regained the initiative. That is important because to win the Iraqis' hearts and minds, the United States must persuade the Iraqi population that its military is a winner and capable of establishing the security of Iraq.

But the capture of Mr. Hussein is not a panacea, and it is unlikely to lead to a quick end to the insurgency. Americans have a tendency to personalize foreign policy. Since Mr. Hussein's brutal reign was cited by the Bush administration as a reason to go to war, the American public may think that his capture signals that the war is approaching an end.

But the attacks are likely to continue. First, there is little reason to think that Mr. Hussein was orchestrating the insurgency from his rudimentary, rodent-infested hide-out. To prevent capture, he retained only a handful of trusted aides, was often on the move and most probably was limiting his contacts. The day-to-day leaders of the rebellion are still at large.

Second, there are several thousand rebels who still have no place in a new Iraq. They include hard-core Baathists and die-hard members of the now-toppled Hussein government, possibly alongside former military officers and soldiers who were pushed to the margins of Iraqi society by the decision of L. Paul Bremer III, head of the Coalition Provisional Authority, to abolish the Iraqi Army.

Many of those insurgents have their backs against the wall and have everything to gain by driving out the Americans. They are trading on the anxiety of Sunni Iraqis about the loss of their dominant role in Iraqi society, a privileged position that was upended by the American intervention. The repeated insurgent attacks could not have occurred without some measure of popular support.

Third, foreign terrorists, including Ansar al-Islam and possibly operatives with Al Qaeda, themselves have come to Iraq to take on the Americans. For terrorists, it is no longer necessary to sneak into the United States or attack American warships in distant ports to strike a blow against the Bush administration. All they need to do is go to Iraq.

Walter P. Lang, who headed the Middle East section for the Defense Intelligence Agency during the Persian Gulf war in 1991, said he expected the insurgency to continue. The capture of Mr. Hussein "is not as profound as the administration is claiming it will be," Mr. Lang said. "He has not been running the war, and the war is also a product of the Sunni Arabs' unhappiness about restructuring the society in a way that will end up with the Shia running Iraq."

A senior Bush administration official said he was heartened by Mr. Hussein's capture, but acknowledged that it is one step in a longer struggle. "It certainly is a blow to the resistance," the administration official said. "It's bad for their morale, and great for the morale of the coalition. It will help in the effort to stop the violence from the opposition, and it may make the people we now have in custody a little bit more cooperative."

But this official added: "It will not be sufficient to stop the violence. It would be wrong to suggest that this will cause peace to break out, because there are a number of people involved in the resistance who are fighting for their own reasons that have nothing to do with Saddam."

A lasting victory requires not only that Mr. Hussein be neutralized, but also that the leaders of the various cells mounting the attacks be captured or killed.

It also requires securing the support of more Iraqi citizens, who are the best source of intelligence about potential threats and can deny sanctuary to the insurgents.

And it requires working out an acceptable political arrangement that protects the rights of the Sunnis while taking account of the fact that the Shiites make up a majority of the population. Otherwise, the Sunni Triangle will continue to be a fertile breeding ground for insurgents and a restive region.

Bathsheba Crocker, who was part of a team assembled by the Center for Strategic and International Studies to assess the reconstruction efforts in Iraq, said: "In and of itself I don't think it will necessarily mean an end to the resistance. But it is an opportunity for the C.P.A. to win more support among the population and for the Iraqis themselves to achieve a common sense of purpose. If that happens, this could prove to be a turning point."

If Mr. Hussein's capture does not mean the war is all but won, it does return the initiative to the United States military after eight months of occupation. It also provides the occupation authority and the Iraqi politicians it is working with a fresh chance to build on their efforts to make a new Iraq.

In the final analysis, the significance of Mr. Hussein's capture will be determined not by what happened this weekend, but by the political policies and military operations that follow.

Copyright 2003 The New York Times Company

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BETRAYED BY CLAN

Breakthrough Capped a Renewed Effort to Ferret Out Leads

By ERIC SCHMITT
The New York Times

BAGHDAD, Iraq, Dec. 14 — The hunt for Saddam Hussein ended late Saturday with information from a member of his tribal clan.

Seizing Mr. Hussein, a man who one senior general said had 20 to 30 hide-outs and moved as often as every three to four hours, had become a maddening challenge. Eleven previous times in the last several months, a brigade combat team from the Army's Fourth Infantry Division thought it had a bead on Mr. Hussein and began raids to kill or capture him, only to come up empty, sometimes missing its man by only a matter of hours, military officials here said.

But at 8:26 p.m. Saturday, less than 11 hours after receiving the decisive tip, 600 American soldiers and Special Operations forces backed by tanks, artillery and Apache helicopter gunships surrounded two farmhouses, and near one of them found Mr. Hussein hiding alone at the bottom of an eight-foot hole.

He surrendered without a shot.

"He was just caught like a rat," Maj. Gen. Raymond T. Odierno, the commander of the Fourth Infantry Division, told reporters at his headquarters in Tikrit on Sunday. "He could have been hiding in a hundred different places, a thousand different places like this all around Iraq. It just takes finding the right person who will give you a good idea where he might be."

In recent weeks, American officials had started a new effort to draw up a list of people likely to be hiding Mr. Hussein, including bodyguards, former palace functionaries, tribal leaders and others not prominent on previous American wanted lists. After a half-dozen raids and arrests, one senior administration official said, the crucial breakthrough came Friday when a raid on a house in Baghdad led to the capture of an Iraqi who, under questioning in the hours that followed, identified the location where Mr. Hussein was ultimately found.

"As we continued to conduct raids and capture people, we got more and more information on the families that were somewhat close to Saddam Hussein," General Odierno said. "Over the last 10 days or so, we brought in about 5 or 10 members of those families who were then able to give us even more information. And finally we got the ultimate information from one of these individuals."

Officials have described the Iraqi seized Friday as a member of Mr. Hussein's clan or tribe, but have not been more specific.

The capture of the former Iraqi dictator ended months of painstaking efforts to gather and analyze information from informants, detainees, interceptions of cellphone conversations and interrogations of Mr. Hussein's family and tribal members.

The operation illustrates a new style of cooperative American warfare. Conventional Army soldiers work alongside members of Task Force 121, a military Special Operations unit that includes Central Intelligence Agency officers. Intelligence agencies that used to zealously guard their secrets now pool their information so troops can act swiftly on a highly perishable tip.

"Saddam moves all the time," said one Bush administration official. "Our ability to locate him is only as good as the most recent intelligence."

Many details of the raid on Saturday night — the precise information that led American forces to his hide-out and Mr. Hussein's movements since his government fell — remained unclear on Sunday. But top military officials here, in Tikrit and in Washington, say the operation that netted Mr. Hussein, labeled High Value Target No. 1 by the military, moved swiftly from "actionable intelligence" to capture.

Military officials said that about 10:50 a.m. Saturday in Iraq, the military command in Baghdad received the crucial information about Mr. Hussein's potential whereabouts.

The mission to capture or kill Mr. Hussein, code-named Operation Red Dawn, fell to the Fourth Division's First Brigade, commanded by Col. James Hickey. No Iraqi forces were involved in the operation, American military officials said.

About 6 p.m., amid darkness, the brigade's forces, including cavalry, engineers, artillery and Apaches, moved toward their targets: two farmhouses in Ad Dwar, a village about nine miles southeast of Tikrit, the heart of Mr. Hussein's ancestral homeland.

Two hours later, the forces raided the farmhouses but did not find Mr. Hussein. So Colonel Hickey ordered nearly two square miles blocked off, and an intensive search began.

Senior Pentagon and military officials said the mission to capture Mr. Hussein followed basic procedures. Conventional forces of the Fourth Division secured the perimeter of the search area while Special Operations forces in Task Force 121 conducted the direct search.

Because the area to be searched was large, it was unclear on Sunday night whether soldiers from the Fourth Division or Task Force 121 had discovered Mr. Hussein's hiding place, an underground chamber near a mud hut and metal lean-to inside a walled compound.

The hut had two small rooms, a bedroom and a rudimentary kitchen. The bedroom was cluttered with new clothes, including T-shirts and socks, some still in their wrappers, leading General Odierno to estimate that Mr. Hussein had been at the site perhaps only an hour or so.

An orange and white taxi was parked next to a sheep pen near the hut. The hut was near the Tigris River, and American forces found several boats nearby that commanders surmised may have been used to bring supplies to Mr. Hussein.

As American forces closed in, two Iraqis in the hut tried to flee, but were caught. American officials said they had not yet been able to identify them or their connection to Mr. Hussein. Mr. Hussein's hide-out was a shaft just wide enough to hold a man. General Odierno said a plastic foam trapdoor covered the mouth of the narrow hole. A rug had been placed on top of that and covered with dirt, bricks and other rubble to try to conceal it. An air vent had been built into the hole.

When troops opened the lid to the hide-out, they found Mr. Hussein alone, looking "bewildered" and "very disoriented," General Odierno said. He had a knife, a pistol and a suitcase containing $750,000 in American $100 bills. He offered no resistance, identified himself and was very quiet, military officials said.

"The pressure had become so tight on him he knew he couldn't travel in large entourages, so he didn't really have any men with him," General Odierno said. "He was in the bottom of a hole, so there was no way he could fight back."

Less than an hour later, Mr. Hussein was on an American helicopter headed south toward Baghdad and custody at an undisclosed location.


Douglas Jehl and Thom Shanker contributed reporting from Washington for this article.

(C) The New York Times 2003



Bearing Questions, 4 New Iraqi Leaders Pay Hussein a Visit

By IAN FISHER
The New York Times

BAGHDAD, Iraq, Dec. 14 — The wild gray beard was gone, and he sat on a metal army cot, just awake from a nap, in socks and black slippers. He was not handcuffed. He did not recognize all his visitors, but they recognized him. That was the purpose of the visit: to help confirm that he was, in fact, Saddam Hussein.

What came next in the Sunday afternoon meeting, according to people in the room, was an extraordinary 30 minutes, in which four new leaders of Iraq pointedly questioned the nation's deposed and now captured leader about his tyrannical rule. Mr. Hussein, they said, was defiant and unrepentant but very much defeated.

"The world is crazy," said Mowaffak al-Rubaie, a Governing Council member in the room on Sunday after Mr. Hussein was captured near his hometown, Tikrit. "I was in his torture chamber in 1979, and now he was sitting there, powerless in front of me without anybody stopping me from doing anything to him. Just imagine. We were arguing, and he was using very foul language."

The carefully managed event gave the four men who had spent decades opposing the ruler they regard as an oppressor of their country a rare chance to confront him. Though he spoke forcefully, the haggard Mr. Hussein was now the prisoner, and his opponents seemed to gain some legitimacy as leaders through the meeting in which they said they had called him to task on behalf of their nation.

Ahmad Chalabi, a council member and head of the Iraqi National Congress who was also in the room, said: "He was quite lucid. He had command of his faculties. He would not apologize to the Iraqi people. He did not deny any of the crimes he was confronted with having done. He tried to justify them."

After Mr. Hussein's capture in an eight-foot-deep hole that one council member said was filled with "rats and mice," the four leaders were taken by helicopter on Sunday afternoon to a military base, at a location they would not disclose. In addition to Mr. Rubaie and Mr. Chalabi, two others were aboard: Adnan Pachachi, a council member who was the foreign minister before Mr. Hussein came to power, and Adel Abdel Mahdi, who represents the Shiite religious body, the Supreme Council for the Islamic Revolution in Iraq.

Two American leaders in Iraq were there too: L. Paul Bremer III, the American civilian administrator of Iraq; and Lt. Gen. Ricardo Sanchez, the top military commander in Iraq. The room was small, Mr. Rubaie said, and General Sanchez asked the men if they would like to see him through a window or by camera.

"We said, `No, we want to talk to him,' " Mr. Rubaie said.

Aides to the men differed slightly about what happened next. One said Mr. Hussein, who they said had just woken up, did not recognize any of his visitors. Another said he recognized Mr. Chalabi and asked him to introduce the others.

"Saddam turned to Pachachi and said: `You were the foreign minister of Iraq. What are you doing with these people?' " one aide said.

Mr. Rubaie said he had asked the first question which, he said, was met with a brutal and dismissive joke. He said he had asked why Mr. Hussein had killed two leading Shiite clerics, Ayatollah Muhammad Bakr al-Sadr in 1980 and Ayatollah Muhammad Sadiq al-Sadr in 1999.

The word "sidr" means "chest" in Arabic, and Mr. Hussein replied, "As sidr or ar rijl?" That translates as: "The chest or the foot?"

The men then asked Mr. Hussein about events in his nearly 35 years in power that officials in the United States and elsewhere cite in accusing the former ruler. They cited these examples:

- Asked about the use of chemical weapons against the Kurds in the northern Iraqi town of Halabja in 1988, in which an estimated 5,000 people were killed, Mr. Hussein said, according to his visitors, that this was the work of Iran, at war with Iraq at the time.

- Asked about the mass graves of tens of thousands of Iraqis uncovered since Mr. Hussein was toppled from power in the American-led offensive this spring, Mr. Rubaie said Mr. Hussein answered: "Ask their relatives. They were thieves, and they ran away from the battlefields with Iran and from the battlefields of Kuwait."

- Asked why he invaded Kuwait in 1990, provoking the American-led assault on Iraq the next year, he said Kuwait was rightfully a part of Iraq.

"He was not remorseful at all," Mr. Chalabi said. "It was clear he was a complete narcissist who was incapable of showing remorse or sympathy to other human beings."

Mr. Chalabi said Mr. Hussein had also suggested that he was behind the recent wave of attacks against American soldiers in Iraq since his defeat.

"He said, `I gave a speech, and I said the Americans can come to Iraq but they can't occupy it and rule it,' " Mr. Chalabi said. "He said, `I said I would fight them with pistols, and I have.' "

"He didn't say it directly, but he was trying to take credit for it," Mr. Chalabi said.

At a news conference on Sunday evening, Mr. Pachachi said Mr. Hussein had tried to justify himself by saying Iraqis needed a tough ruler.

"He tried to justify his crimes by saying that he was a just but firm ruler," he said. "Of course our answer was he was an unjust ruler responsible for the deaths of thousands of people."

Throughout the meeting, Mr. Hussein was calm but often used foul language. Mr. Pachachi said he looked "tired and haggard." Mr. Bremer and General Sanchez, they said, did not speak, though Mr. Chalabi said Mr. Hussein was "deferential and respectful to the Americans."

"You can conclude from that some aspect that he was reconciled to his situation," he said.

"The most important fact: Had the roles been reversed, he would have torn us apart and cut us into small pieces after torture," Mr. Chalabi said. "This contrast was paramount in my mind, how we treated him and how he would have treated us."

Mr. Rubaie said: "One thing which is very important is that this man had with him underground when they arrested him two AK-47's and did not shoot one bullet. I told him, `You keep on saying that you are a brave man and a proud Arab.' I said, `When they arrested you why didn't you shoot one bullet? You are a coward.' "

"And he started to use very colorful language," he said. "Basically he used all his French."

"I was so angry because this guy has caused so much damage," Mr. Rubaie added. "He has ruined the whole country. He has ruined 25 million people."

"And I have to confess that the last word was for me," he continued. "I was the last to leave the room and I said, `May God curse you. Tell me, when are you going to be accountable to God and the day of judgment? What are you going to tell him about Halabja and the mass graves, the Iran-Iraq war, thousands and thousands executed? What are you going to tell God?' He was exercising his French language."

Copyright 2003 The New York Times Company


A SELECT FEW CONFRONT THEIR TORMENTOR

By Rajiv Chandrasekaran
The Washington Post

BAGHDAD, Dec. 14 -- Early Sunday morning, after his bushy beard had been shaved off and he had caught some sleep on an Army cot, Saddam Hussein received his first Iraqi visitors.

They were four senior Iraqi political figures, invited by American officials to the high-security detention center in Baghdad for the purpose of confirming Hussein's identity with their own eyes.

But instead of viewing him through a one-way window or a closed-circuit camera as the American officials had intended, the Iraqis asked for -- and were granted -- permission to meet with the former president. In a remarkable half-hour session, Hussein sat in a small room with four men who represented the legions of Iraqis imprisoned, tortured or killed by his government, as well as the thousands who fled into exile during his rule.

"It was surreal," said Mowaffak Rubaie, a Shiite Muslim member of Iraq's U.S.-appointed Governing Council who fled the country in 1979 after being arrested and tortured by Hussein's secret police.

At first, they said, Hussein appeared fatigued and disheveled, as if he had just awakened. "He seemed tired and haggard," said Adnan Pachachi, who served as Iraq's foreign minister before Hussein's Baath Party took power in a 1968 coup. Rubaie said Hussein appeared "broken down."

But the former president's attitude changed when questioned about some of the worst crimes that occurred during his years in power, including the 1990 invasion of Kuwait, the use of chemical weapons on Kurdish villagers and the killing of two prominent Shiite Muslim clerics. Despite being in American custody at a base at the Baghdad airport and facing the prospect of being tried in an Iraqi tribunal that could sentence him to death, Hussein was unrepentant, the four politicians said.

"He was arrogant and hateful," said Adel Abdel-Mehdi, the head of the political bureau of the Supreme Council for the Islamic Revolution in Iraq, a party representing Shiites, who were a particular target of Hussein's government, which was dominated by rival Sunni Muslims.

"He was defiant," Pachachi said. "He tried to justify his crimes by saying he was a just ruler."

Rubaie said he asked the first question of Hussein: Why had he ordered the killing of two prominent Shiite clerics in the 1990s, Mohammed Bakr Sadr and Mohammed Sadiq Sadr?

Hussein responded with a callous joke, playing off the word "sadr," which means chest in Arabic, Rubaie said.

"He said, 'The chest or the foot?' " Rubaie recalled.

"It was blasphemous," the council member said. "It was outrageous and immoral."

Later in the meeting, Hussein insisted the chemical weapons attack on the northern Iraqi town of Halabja in 1988, in which an estimated 5,000 people were killed, was the work of Iran. And in response to a query about the invasion of Kuwait, he insisted that the tiny nation belonged to Iraq.

Asked about the mass graves across the country that contain the bodies of tens of thousands of Iraqis killed by his government, Hussein scoffed and called the victims "thieves, army deserters and traitors," according to Rubaie.

"He showed no remorse whatsoever," said Ahmed Chalabi, a prominent former opposition leader who also was at the meeting. Rubaie said one of the visitors noted that if they were still detainees and Hussein were still president, he would "put us in a meat grinder."

"We asked him, 'What if we give you to the Iraqi people?' " Rubaie recalled. "He said, 'To those demagogues?' Can you believe it? He called the Iraqi people demagogues."

That prompted one of the four to ask Hussein how he planned to "face God on doomsday."

"I will face him with a calm heart," Hussein responded, according to Rubaie.

As he left the room, Rubaie said he could not resist taking one parting shot. "I told him, 'Damn you!' " Rubaie said. " 'The Iraqis will send you to hell.' "

© 2003 The Washington Post Company

domingo, dezembro 14, 2003

--------------------------

WITHOUT FIRING A SHOT, U.S. FORCES DETAIN DEPOSED LEADER

By EDWARD WONG and KIRK SEMPLE
The New York Times

BAGHDAD, Iraq, Dec. 14 - Saddam Hussein, the deposed Iraqi leader, was captured in a raid on a farm near Tikrit on Saturday night, American military officials confirmed today.

``We got him,'' the American administrator, L. Paul Bremer III, said at a news conference here.

Coalition troops discovered Mr. Hussein hiding in a hole below a walled compound on the farm, located in the town of Adwar, about 10 miles from his hometown of Tikrit.

Military authorities said that although Mr. Hussein was armed with a pistol at the time of this capture, he put up no resistance and not one shot was fired in the operation. They said they were able to confirm his identity using DNA tests.

Mr. Hussein was being held at an undisclosed location and American authorities had yet to decide whether to hand him over to the Iraqis for trial. Iraqi officials want him to stand trial before a war crimes tribunal created last week.

Prime Minister Tony Blair of Britain said that ultimately the Iraqis will determine how Mr. Hussein will be tried. ``It is they who will decide his fate,'' he said.

Finding Mr. Hussein solved one of the great mysteries that tormented the American-led occupation force in Iraq: whether he was still alive and, if so, where he was hiding.

Some senior Bush administration officials had suspected that Mr. Hussein was not only still alive but inspiring, if not leading, the guerrilla-style insurgency that has left more than 190 American soldiers dead since President Bush declared an end to major combat operations on May. 1.

Since April, when coalition forces pushed into Baghdad and declared the start of the occupation, American-led troops have tried to wipe away all vestiges of the old government in part by capturing or killing many of Mr. Hussein's former advisers and associates.

But their biggest target, Mr. Hussein himself, continued to evade coalition forces even as he broadcast audio messages intended to rally his loyalists while, seemingly, taunt the occupiers.

Mr. Bremer appealed to insurgents loyal to Mr. Hussein to give up the fight today.

``With the arrest of Saddam Hussein, there is a new opportunity for the members of the former regime, whether military or civilian, to end their bitter opposition,'' he said in the news conference, which was televised. ``Let them now come forward in a spirit of reconciliation and hope, lay down their arms, and join you, their fellow citizens, in the task of building the new Iraq.''

Mr. Blair welcomed Mr. Hussein's capture as an opportunity for national reconciliation in Iraq.

``Where his rule meant terror and division and brutality, let his capture bring about unity, reconciliation and peace between all the people in Iraq,'' Mr. Blair said. ``Saddam is gone from power. He won't be coming back. That the Iraqi people now know.'' He called the cause of Mr. Hussein's supporters ``futile.''

The White House said that President Bush will make a public statement at noon Eastern time. The president was first informed on Saturday afternoon that military officials believed they had captured the real Mr. Hussein, and he received word of Mr. Hussein's DNA test results at 5:14 a.m. today, said Scott McClellan, the White House spokesman.

At the Baghdad news conference today announcing the capture, American officials aired a video showing Mr. Hussein, with a scruffy white beard and wild, curly hair, being examined by a doctor. His face was puffy and wrinkled.

They also showed footage of a cramped, six-to-eight-foot-deep cellar where Mr. Hussein was found at about 8:30 p.m. on Saturday. The entrance to the hideaway had been camouflaged with bricks and dirt, Lt. Gen. Ricardo Sanchez, the top American military commander in Iraq, said at the news conference.

``The captive has been talkative and is being cooperative,'' General Sanchez said.

Coalition troops captured two other Iraqis in the raid and seized two AK-47 assault rifles, a pistol and $750,000 in $100 bills, General Sanchez said.

He described Mr. Hussein as ``tired'' and ``a man resigned.''

Maj. Gen. Raymond T. Odierno, who heads the Army's Fourth Infantry Division, told reporters that the military targeted Mr. Hussein's hideout using information gleaned from interrogations of people with familial and tribal ties to Mr. Hussein.

``Over the last 10 days or so we brought in about 5 to 10 members of these families,'' General Odierno said in a news conference. ``Finally we got the ultimate information from one of these individuals.''

General Odierno said it appeared that Mr. Hussein had not been in that particular hiding place for a long time and theorized that the former Iraqi leader had ``20 to 30'' similar safe houses scattered around the country.

Abdel Abdel-Mahdi, a senior official of a Shiite Muslim political party who visited Mr. Hussein in captivity, said the prisoner was ``unrepentent and defiant.'' He added: ``When we told him, `If you go to the streets now, you will see the people celebrating,' he answered, `Those are mobs.' When we told him about the mass graves, he replied, `Those are thieves.'''

As news of the capture spread, celebratory gunfire broke out all over Baghdad, and large crowds poured into the streets, especially along commercial strips like those in the Karada neighborhood. People were speaking ecstatically of the capture, whooping, hugging and shaking one another's hands.

Earlier in the day, rumors of the capture sent people streaming into the streets of Kirkuk, a northern Iraqi city, firing guns in the air in celebration, The Associated Press reported.

``We are celebrating like it's a wedding,'' a resident, Mustapha Sheriff, told the news agency. ``We are finally rid of that criminal.''

Another resident, Ali Al-Bashiri, said: ``This is the joy of a lifetime. I am speaking on behalf of all the people that suffered under his rule.''

But in Ramadi, a town west of Baghdad that has served as a loyal support base for Mr. Hussein, people had not heard about the capture by early afternoon. A feeling of anger was building up against the American occupiers, triggered by a car bomb this morning outside the police station in the nearby town of Khalidiya.

The bomb went off at 8:30 a.m. this morning, killing at least 21 people, mostly police officers, and wounding at least 33, according to military and hospital officials. Men standing at the scene and at the hospital blamed American forces for the blast, even though it was clear that the bomb was targeting Iraqi police working with the Americans.

Administration officials have said that Mr. Hussein's survival, despite the American hunt and a $25 million reward for information leading to his capture or proof of his death, appears to have been a motivating factor in the armed opposition against American forces.

The whereabouts of Mr. Hussein had been a mystery since at least March 20, when the United States initiated the war in Iraq with a strike by cruise missiles and bombs on an installation in Baghdad where the top Iraqi leadership was believed to be hiding.

On April 7, three days after Iraqi television broadcast two videotapes of Mr. Hussein taped on an unknown date, the United States made a second attempt to kill Mr. Hussein by bombing a building in the Mansour district of Baghdad, where intelligence sources said the Iraqi leadership had gathered.

Those two strikes prompted some optimism at the White House that Mr. Hussein and his two oldest sons had been killed. But with the failure of investigators to find physical evidence of Mr. Hussein at the two sites, combined with testimony of senior Iraqi officials in American custody who said the Iraqi leader had not been at those locations, American intelligence agencies concluded that they had probably missed their target.

This view was further strengthened by the broadcast of several audiotapes with a voice purporting to be that of Mr. Hussein.

American officials have said the most compelling indications that Mr. Hussein was still alive were the intercepted communications among fugitive members of the paramilitary Saddam Fedayeen and the Iraqi intelligence service discussing the importance of protecting his life.

American officials had hoped they were getting closer to determining the whereabouts of Mr. Hussein when troops killed his sons, Qusay and Uday, on July 22 in a four-hour gun battle with American troops in a hideout in the northern city of Mosul. But an initial burst of confidence gradually faded and, as the bloody weeks dragged on, and American troops were unable to find either Mr. Hussein or conclusive proof that he had been developing weapons of mass destruction, the White House and the Pentagon tried to shift attention from those failures by arguing that the most important thing was that Mr. Hussein had been removed from power.

Still, even Mr. Bremer acknowledged several months ago that the coalition's inability to capture him or recover his body was helping to fuel the resistance movement.

``I would obviously prefer that we had clear evidence that Saddam is dead or that we had him alive in our custody,'' Mr. Bremer said. ``It does make a difference because it allows the Baathists to go around in the bazaars and in the villages, as they are doing, saying: `Saddam is alive, and he's going to come back. And we're going to come back.'''


Edward Wong contributed reporting from Baghdad for this article, and Kirk Semple provided reporting from New York.

(C) The New York Times 2003

--------------------------

Saddam Hussein a été capturé à Tikrit

LE MONDE | 14.12.03 |

Le président irakien déchu Saddam Hussein aurait été capturé dans une cave près de Tikrit, au nord de Bagdad, par les forces américaines et des peshmergas kurdes, a précisé le général Ricardo Sanchez, commandant des forces américaines en Irak.

"Mesdames et Messieurs, on l'a eu", a annoncé dimanche Paul Bremer lors d'une conférence de presse à Bagdad.

Saddam Hussein a été capturé sans résistance à 20 heures locales par une force d'environ 600 hommes dans une cache aménagée dans la cave d'une ferme près la ville d'al Daour, au sud de Tikrit, a précisé le général Ricardo Sanchez, commandant des forces américaines en Irak.

Le président du Conseil de gouvernement transitoire irakien, Abdel Aziz Hakim, en visite officielle à Madrid, a confirmé que le "criminel" Saddam Hussein a été arrêté.

Le Premier ministre britannique Tony Blair a un peu plus tard lui aussi confirmé la nouvelle à l'agence de presse britannique Press Association.

"Sur la foi d'informations que Saddam Hussein se cache dans une maison à Tikrit, les forces spéciales kurdes de l'Union patriotique du Kurdistan (UPK) dirigées par Kousrat Rassoul Ali et des forces spéciales américaines l'ont arrêté", a indiqué pour sa part en Irak un haut responsable de l'UPK, sous le couvert de l'anonymat.

"Il s'agit de la même force qui a arrêté Taha Yassine Ramadan à Mossoul", à 360 km au nord de Bagdad, a-t-il ajouté, en référence au vice-président irakien arrêté à la mi-août par des combattants kurdes et remis aux forces américaines.

La coalition dirigée par les Etats-Unis en Irak a diffusé une vidéo de Saddam Hussein captif des forces américaines, lors d'une conférence de presse à Bagdad. Celui-ci ouvre la bouche à la personne qui lui fait passer un examen médical. Il apparaît les cheveux noirs et portant une barbe poivre et sel. Le général Ricardo Sanchez, chef des forces américaines en Irak, a commenté la vidéo donnant des détails de l'arrestation. Ensuite, une photo de Saddam Hussein rasé a été montrée aux journalistes présents qui ont acclamé et applaudi cette arrestation.

Trois membres du Conseil de gouvernement avaient également été invités par les forces de la coalition à se rendre dimanche à Tikrit pour identifier Saddam Hussein, a affirmé à l'AFP un haut responsable du Conseil.

Des tirs de joie ont rapidement été entendu dimanche à Bagdad après l'annonce de la capture de l'ancien dictateur Saddam Hussein à Tikrit.

Des armes de tous calibres sont utilisées par des gens qui fêtent la capture du président irakien déchu, annoncée par les chaines satellitaires arabes. Le porte-parole du Congrès national irakien (CNI) a également confirmé sur la chaîne satellitaire Al-Jazira l'arrestation de Saddam Hussein.

"Nous sommes sûrs à 100 % que Saddam est actuellement détenu par les forces américaines", a déclaré Entifadh Qanbar, porte-parole du CNI que dirige Ahmed Chalabi, membre du Conseil de gouvernement transitoire irakien.

"Une analyse d'ADN a confirmé" qu'il s'agit de Saddam Hussein, a-t-il encore dit, qualifiant d'"historique" la capture du président déchu.

La population kurde à Souleymaniyah, fief de Jalal Talabani, chef de l'UPK, s'apprêtait aussi à fêter l'évenement avec des orchestres de rue, a constaté un correspondant de l'AFP.

Le président de la municipalité de Kirkouk, au nord de Bagdad, Tahsine Mohammad Ali Kahya a affirmé avoir été informé par le colonel William Mayville, commandant de la 173ème division aéroportée basée dans cette ville, de l'arrestation de Saddam Hussein.

Tikrit, le fief de l'ancien président, compte encore de nombreux partisans de Saddam Hussein, 65 ans, dont la tête avait été mise à prix par les forces américaines pour 25 millions de dollars.

L'armée américaine pourchassait l'ancien dictateur depuis la chute du régime en avril. Elle avait réussi à tuer ses deux fils, Oudaï et Qoussaï, en juillet lors d'un raid à Mossoul.

Arrivé en 1979 au pouvoir, Saddam Hussein a mené son pays d'une main de fer, sévissant surtout à l'encontre des kurdes et des chiites, tout en donnant le pouvoir aux sunnites, dont il fait partie.

Il a livré également une guerre meurtrière à l'Iran (1980-1988) et a envahi le Koweit pendant sept mois (1990-1991) avant d'en être bouté par une coalition dirigée par les Etats-Unis.

Avec AFP



Fin de parcours pour Saddam Hussein

Soutenu d'abord par l'Occident avant d'être diabolisé, Saddam Hussein, capturé dimanche par l'armée américaine, aura durant sa dictature engagé l'Irak dans les trois grands derniers conflits du Moyen-Orient et laisse son pays exsangue malgré ses richesses pétrolières.

Soutenu d'abord par l'Occident avant d'être diabolisé, Saddam Hussein, capturé dimanche par l'armée américaine, aura durant sa dictature engagé l'Irak dans les trois grands derniers conflits du Moyen-Orient et laisse son pays exsangue malgré ses richesses pétrolières.

Plus de huit mois après la chute de son régime, le raïs irakien, passé maître en près d'un quart de siècle dans l'art d'échapper à ses adversaires ou de les supprimer, a cette fois atteint le point de non-retour.

Douze ans après la guerre du Golfe, menée par George Bush père, son fils s'était engagé à renverser "par tous les moyens" à la disposition des Etats-Unis le régime de Bagdad.

Depuis les attentats du 11 septembre aux Etats-Unis, le gouvernement de Saddam Hussein était en effet dans le collimateur de Washington qui l'accusait de former, avec l'Iran et la Corée du Nord, un "axe du Mal" en quête d'armes de destruction massive.

Le raïs irakien avait survécu aux deux précédents conflits, à de nombreux complots, tentatives d'assassinats et soulèvements.

Mais cet homme, obsédé par la postérité, était plus que jamais un homme traqué lorsque les forces britanniques et américaines se sont lancées à l'assaut de Bagdad.

Depuis des années, Saddam ne restait jamais plus de quelques heures dans le même lieu et ne dormait jamais deux nuits de suite dans le même lit, utilisant même des sosies pour mieux tromper ses ennemis. En outre, il faisait analyser tous ses aliments et ses cuisiniers travaillaient sous la surveillance de ses gardes du corps personnels par crainte d'un empoisonnement.

RÉPRESSIONS SANGLANTES

Un isolement qui était la rançon d'un pouvoir absolu obtenu à coup de purges et de répressions sanglantes.

Né le 28 avril 1937 dans le village d'Al Aoudja, proche de la ville de Tikrit, à 150 km au nord de Bagdad, Saddam Hussein est orphelin de père à l'âge de neuf mois et élevé par un oncle.

Dès 1953, il a déjà des démêlés avec la police du royaume pour ses activités politiques.

A l'ge de 18 ans, il se rend à Bagdad pour ses études et prend part à un soulèvement contre la famille régnante pro-britannnique en 1956.

Peu après, il adhère au Parti Baas. La monarchie est renversée en 1958.

L'année suivante, en octobre, Saddam participe à la tentative d'assassinat visant le président Abdel-Karim Kassem. Le complot est éventé et le conspirateur fuit en Egypte, puis en Syrie. Il regagne Bagdad à la faveur du putsch militaire qui porte le Parti Baas au pouvoir en février 1963, mais neuf mois plus tard, les baassistes étant renversés, il doit se cacher.

Arrêté, jeté en prison, il est libéré en 1966. Il participe au putsch qui porte de nouveau au pouvoir les baassistes le 17 juillet 1968.

Nommé vice-président du puissant Conseil de commandement de la Révolution, il fait bientôt figure d'homme fort du pays derrière le chef de l'Etat, Ahmed Hassan al Bakr, de santé fragile, auquel il succède en juillet 1979 après avoir procédé à une vaste épuration au sein des instances dirigeantes du parti.

Un an environ après son arrivée à la présidence, le 22 septembre 1980, éclate la guerre Iran/Irak, le premier des grands conflits survenus sous son règne. Cinq ans plus tôt, à Alger, Saddam Hussein avait "réglé" le contentieux frontalier du Chatt al Arab avec l'Iran voisin, alors dirigée par le chah.

La Révolution islamique qui s'était mise en place entre-temps en Iran constitue à la fois une menace et une occasion pour Bagdad, qui, depuis l'accord de paix israélo-égyptien, cherche à prendre la tête du monde arabe.

CULTE DE LA PERSONNALITE

Saddam Hussein craint, avec la victoire des chiites à Téhéran, le risque de déstabilisation du Sud irakien, dont la population appartient en majorité à cette confession. Aussi, en septembre 80, dénonce-t-il l'accord d'Alger et lance-t-il une guerre qui se voulait éclair, manifestement destinée à conquérir la province pétrolière du Khouzistan. C'était sous compter avec la puissance et la résistance des Iraniens et il faudra huit ans à Saddam Hussein pour sortir son pays d'une guerre qui aura fait autour de 700 000 morts, dont 300 000 côté irakien.

Deux ans après sa conclusion, confronté à la dette contractée pendant le conflit, Bagdad, estimant que le Koweït est une province irakienne, occupe l'émirat, le 2 août 1990. Les Nations unies décrètent un embargo international contre l'Irak, qui refuse de se retirer du Koweït. Au début de 1991, Saddam Hussein, intransigeant, se dit prêt à livrer la "mère de toutes les batailles", face à la coalition internationale, composée de 28 nations et menée par les Etats-Unis.

La guerre du Golfe ébranlera le pays, mais dès la fin du conflit, Saddam Hussein mate dans le sang les insurrections kurde dans le Nord et chiite dans le Sud, qui ont éclaté au début du mois de mars. L'Occident crée deux zones d'interdiction aérienne pour empêcher l'armée de l'air irakienne de bombarder les populations et pour surveiller les mouvements de troupes : la première au nord du 36e parallèle, le 7 avril 1991, la seconde au sud du 32e parallèle, fin août 1992.

Si le Kurdistan irakien échappe au contrôle de Bagdad, la mainmise de Saddam Hussein sur le reste du pays reste intacte.

Un plébiscite le reconduit pour première fois pour sept ans à la tête de l'Etat en octobre 1995, et une seconde fois, en 2002, pour un nouveau septennat. Depuis l'invasion du Koweït, l'Irak a vécu sous la double férule de Saddam Hussein et des sanctions imposées pour contraindre l'Irak à désarmer. Le Conseil de sécurité de l'Onu renouvelait toutefois, tous les six mois, un accord "pétrole contre nourriture" censé soulager quelque peu la population.

Le retour des inspecteurs en désarmement de l'Onu en novembre dernier - après leur expulsion par les autorités irakiennes quatre ans plus tôt - et les signes de coopération manifestés par Bagdad n'avaient pas entamé la détermination américaine d'en finir avec le régime de Saddam Hussein.

Le dictateur, qui ne cache pas son admiration pour son homologue soviétique Joseph Staline, a pratiqué comme lui le culte de la personnalité.

Jusqu'à l'arrivée des troupes anglo-américaines, ses portraits, étaient omniprésents dans le pays : Saddam en nouveau Nabuchodonosor ou en Saladin, Saddam en costume de ville, en uniforme militaire, en vêtements tribaux, ou même coiffé d'un chapeau tyrolien.

Avec Reuters

(C) Le Monde 2003


terça-feira, dezembro 09, 2003

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DESDE LA CARCEL

"La prisión no me doblega, me reafirma": Manuel Vázquez Portal

LA HABANA, diciembre - "La prisión no me doblega, me reafirma. Cuando los gobiernos encarcelan por razones políticas no hacen más que mostrar su impotencia, su miedo ante la desobediencia civil, su terror al ejemplo viril", escribió el poeta y periodista encarcelado Manuel Vázquez Portal a su esposa:

Cárcel de Aguadores, 28 de septiembre de 2003
Sra Yolanda Huerga Cedeño

Pucha:

La prisión no me doblega, me reafirma. Cuando los gobiernos encarcelan por razones políticas no hacen más que mostrar su impotencia, su miedo ante la desobediencia civil, su terror al ejemplo viril. Al encarcelarme no han conseguido más que elevar mi amor por ti, por mis hijos, por Cuba, a blasón, himno y bandera. Hoy soy más tuyo, mejor padre y más cubano. ¿No fue más amado Cristo después de crucificado? Los malos gobiernos siguen cometiendo el mismo error. Cuando no pueden con el ejemplo de un hombre noble, digno, pretenden envilecerlo, humillarlo, destruirlo, y es cuando el ejemplo crece, si es verdaderamente auténtico y representativo de los anhelos públicos.

Ya el pueblo cubano sabía, y ahora lo ha corroborado, que hay algo de impasible, de obstinado, de maléfico en la testarudez castrista de creer que la independencia, la soberanía de Cuba se sustenta en su permanencia al frente de un gobierno que ha traído más penurias que ventajas gratificantes para la sociedad cubana. ¡Cuánto de megalomanía hay en esa actitud! ¡Cuánto de desprecio por los demás cubanos! ¿Qué delirio es ese de paradigma insustituible, estadista imparangonable, deidad casi? ¡Qué demencia egocéntrica!

Desde que en 1959 (nacías tú ese año para salvar la fecha), y por medio de la violencia, -violencia que intentó luego transplantar, infructuosamente, en América por medio de la exportación de guerrillas y la subvención soviética-, arribara al poder, el país ha vivido como sumido en un delirio de zafarranchos. El trauma bélico que padece, desde que en la pandilla de Emilio Tro se formara como un "gatillo alegre", ha marcado la vida cubana. ¿Es ésa la estabilidad civil a que aspira?

Después que en 1959, trúcala tras trúcala, conspiración tras conspiración, y ya con anhelos totalitaristas, descabezara, inhabilitara, desarticulara todas las organizaciones revolucionarias que habían hecho posible el derrocamiento del régimen militar encabezado por Fulgencio Batista, lograra, con maniobras turbias, y aprovechando el entusiasmo popular por un líder fabricado por medio de leyendas, y tras una falsa renuncia a su cargo de primer ministro, deponer a Urrutia Lleó, supuesto primer presidente después de reconquistada la democracia violada tras el golpe militar del 10 de marzo de 1952 (nacía mi hermano Arturito entonces para salvar también la efemérides, me refiero al año, no al día), emprendió una alocada carrera hacia el absolutismo, ya con el respaldo de una Unión Soviética sedienta de ampliar su influencia política en Occidente. Es el momento en que una revolución que aspiraba sólo al restablecimiento de la democracia se vio convertida en epígono comunista, y trajo para el país toda la herencia putrefacta de las satrapías rojas euro-orientales: Los planes fantasmales, a largo plazo, de desarrollo económico, los racionamientos, las precariedades, el desabastecimiento, junto a la intransigencia política, los ataques a la moral religiosa, la implantación de un árido ateísmo estatal, la intolerancia frente a minorías intelectuales, artísticas, educacionales, filosóficas, sexuales, el incontenible éxodo de una población que vislumbraba ya el desastre económico, la destrucción de una infraestructura económica que, si bien tenía perfiles estrechos ya que partía de escasos rubros: industria agroazucarera, tabacalera, ganadera, etc, servía de garantía financiera para la nación, la demolición de una red de pequeñas industrias manufactureras y pequeños productores, que para el mercado interno y el consumo nacional, así como la satisfacción de servicios a la población, eran de innegable eficiencia, hasta desembarcar en un verdadero estado de emergencia económica debido a la dependencia del eje socialista europeo, cuando éste, corroído por su propia ineficiencia se viene abajo.

¿Es ésa la prosperidad a que aspira con su eternización en el poder? ¿Es ése el amor que proclama por Cuba y por los cubanos? No digo más, si continuara no podría evitar los insultos; y los insultos, él mismo se ha encargado de probarlo, no son un modo decente de polemizar, de convencer, de hacer política. Se apela al insulto, en su caso es proverbial la tendencia, cuando faltan razones.

Amor, la presión arterial sigue con su afán de cumbres, no logro hacerla descender, pero yo me siento cual si nada. No creo que en este instante, cuando se acercan grandes definiciones en el país, el corazón me traicione. Mi corazón tú lo llenas demasiado para que venga a caber otra cosa en él.

Tuyo,
Yo
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quinta-feira, dezembro 04, 2003

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Au Venezuela, l'opposition revendique la victoire dans la bataille pour un référendum anti-Chavez

LE MONDE | 03.12.03

Les adversaires du président affirment avoir collecté 3,6 millions de signatures. Les observateurs internationaux démentent la "méga-fraude" dénoncée par le chef de l'Etat.

Bogota de notre correspondante

L'opposition vénézuélienne a annoncé, mardi 2 décembre, avoir recueilli le nombre de signatures nécessaires à la convocation d'un référendum "révocatoire", pour obtenir le départ anticipé du président Hugo Chavez. La veille, le chef de l'Etat a dénoncé une "mégafraude" dans les opérations de collecte, sans fournir de preuves sérieuses.

Si ce n'est quelques incidents isolés, la campagne menée par l'opposition s'est déroulée, pendant quatre jours, dans le calme. L'Organisation des Etats américains (OEA) et le centre Carter, qui avaient dépêché une quarantaine d'observateurs, se sont félicités du bon déroulement de la collecte de signatures. Tard dans la nuit de lundi à mardi, partisans et adversaires du président ont célébré "leur" victoire. Les premiers se sont réunis près du palais présidentiel, dans le centre de Caracas, pendant que l'opposition manifestait dans les quartiers résidentiels de l'Est.

"Je crois que toute équivoque a été levée", a déclaré le secrétaire général de l'OEA, Cesar Gaviria. En déclarant n'avoir "aucune raison de penser qu'une fraude généralisée ait eu lieu", M. Gaviria s'est pourtant attiré les foudres de Hugo Chavez. "Gaviria a dit qu'il n'avait rien vu d'anormal. Pis, il a défendu les dirigeants de l'opposition. Je crois qu'il a dépassé les limites. Un observateur qui n'est pas impartial perd toute morale", a déclaré M. Chavez.

RÉSULTATS DANS UN MOIS

Selon la Coordination démocratique, qui regroupe les partis d'opposition, 3 602 051 citoyens ont signé les formulaires fournis par le Conseil national électoral (CNE). Le minimum fixé par la Constitution pour convoquer un référendum (20 % du corps électoral, soit 2,4 millions de signatures) serait largement dépassé. Le gouvernement a immédiatement démenti ce chiffre, affirmant que l'opposition n'avait réuni que 1 953 000 signatures. Au nom du CNE, Jorge Rodriguez a rappelé que les chiffres des uns et des autres n'avaient aucune valeur. Une fois que les formulaires lui auront été remis, le CNE dispose de trente jours pour proclamer les résultats. Le référendum pourrait avoir lieu en mars 2004.

"Le gouvernement affirme tout à la fois que l'opposition a triché et qu'elle a perdu. Cela ne tient pas debout", soupire un diplomate, partisan du groupe des "ni-ni" (ni chaviste ni anti-chaviste), dont les sondages ont montré la progression. "La seule issue à la crise est la tenue de ce référendum, affirme toutefois le fonctionnaire. Les accusations du gouvernement sont d'autant plus loufoques que l'opposition dit avoir 3,6 millions de signatures. Or, pour renverser Chavez, il lui faudra obtenir plus de 3,7 millions de voix au référendum." Selon la Constitution, les votes pour destituer un élu doivent être plus nombreux que ceux qu'il a obtenus lors de son élection.

Marie Delcas

• ARTICLE PARU DANS L'EDITION DU 04.12.03

(C) LE MONDE 2003

segunda-feira, dezembro 01, 2003

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El último muro

Mijail Gorbachov

Los cambios ocurridos en el mundo en los últimos 20 años han sido realmente importantes. Hemos dejado atrás la Guerra Fría y la confrontación entre dos sistemas ideológicos irreconciliables. El símbolo de una Europa dividida ¬el Muro de Berlín, el que Ronald Reagan me pidió encarecidamente que derribara en 1987¬ fue destruido hace mucho tiempo. Sin embargo, aún queda un resto de la Guerra Fría: el muro del embargo económico impuesto por Estados Unidos a Cuba hace 43 años.

La falta de relaciones entre los Gobiernos cubano y estadounidense, enquistada como está en la política americana de economía y aislamiento diplomático de Cuba, no ha permitido un entendimiento que beneficiaría a los ciudadanos de ambos países. La barrera del aislamiento cubano la ha sufrido la población a ambos lados del Estrecho de Florida: la familia cubana dividida.

Que esta situación es anormal y que el embargo es contraproducente son ideas cada vez más reconocidas en todo el mundo e incluso en Estados Unidos. La visita del Papa Juan Pablo II simbolizó la voluntad del mundo de abrirse a Cuba, y de la isla de abrirse al mundo. El viaje del ex presidente estadounidense Jimmy Carter a este país fue un paso responsable y valiente. Muchos otros líderes políticos americanos han hablado en favor de una normalización de las relaciones. Sin embargo, el Gobierno de Estados Unidos sigue prohibiendo incluso que los americanos viajen a Cuba. Mientras pide un respeto a los Derechos Humanos en la isla, Estados Unidos evita que sus propios ciudadanos compartan la libertad de prensa, la libertad de movimiento y el libre pensamiento con el pueblo cubano.

La única forma de salir de esta situación es reemplazando la actual política con un compromiso constructivo similar al que se siguió con los antiguos países comunistas. Esta visión es compartida no sólo por la mayoría de los miembros de la comunidad internacional, sino que también tiene apoyos entre los más afectados por la actual política, principalmente los cubanos y los cubano-americanos en Estados Unidos. También podrían beneficiarse si Estados Unidos liberarizara sus políticas, comenzando con una apertura de los viajes a Cuba. Hay que recordar que la expansión de los contactos e intercambios, acordados por el presidente Reagan y por mí en nuestra cumbre de 1985 de Ginebra, fueron muy importantes para incrementar el entendimiento mutuo entre los dos países.

Muchos cubano-americanos que tradicionalmente respaldaron medidas punitivas contra Cuba, han comenzado a pedir diálogo. Las encuestas muestran que la mayoría de ellos preferirían dar los primeros pasos para curar las heridas de los últimos 43 años. Creo que los líderes de ambos Estados deberían reconocer que la verdadera valentía está en demostrar voluntad de comprometerse en un diálogo honesto y difícil, admitir los errores y buscar una base común por el bien de las futuras generaciones.

Un final del embargo completaría la inacabada tarea de la Guerra Fría en el hemisferio occidental. Precisamente por la Guerra Fría un país que fue testigo de una revolución anti-dictatorial, que nada tenía que ver con la ideología comunista, se vio envuelto en una confrontación de superpoderes. Aislado y perteneciente ideológicamente al «lado socialista», su elección en el camino del desarrollo socioeconómico fue inevitable. Y durante la crisis de los misiles, Cuba casi se convirtió en el motivo de una guerra nuclear.

Sería injusto reducir la historia posrevolucionaria de Cuba a esto. Los logros del pueblo cubano en educación, sanidad, ciencia y arte han sido reconocidos internacionalmente. Los cubanos se sobrepusieron a la retirada de subsidios económicos soviéticos, y la economía del país ha registrado recientemente un aumento del 8 por ciento en su PIB. Cuba también ha perseguido una política exterior responsable, como yo mismo puedo confirmar basándome en mi propia experiencia trabajando con Fidel Castro para paliar las crisis regionales en América Central y África.

Ha llegado la hora de desarrollar una política adecuada a estas realidades. Un compromiso constructivo no sólo haría posible la normalización de las relaciones entre los dos países vecinos, sino que también mejoraría las posibilidades de una evolución positiva de la situación interior de Cuba y crearía una serie de condiciones diferentes para aumentar la importancia de los Derechos Humanos. Lo que se necesita es dar el primer paso, y éste es responsabilidad de Estados Unidos. Le pido al presidente Bush que derribe el muro del embargo ahora, para sentar las bases de una nueva relación con Cuba.

(c) Mijail Gorbachov 2003